Traffic Control

Marianna A. Perry , in The Professional Protection Officer (2nd Edition), 2020

Signs and Automatic Traffic Signals

If you hold a driver's license, then you can presume cognition of almost traffic signs. The STOP sign is without a dubiety the virtually important sign in employ today. These three functions of a Terminate sign are taken for granted:

one.

Regulates traffic flow.

ii.

Clarifies the question of right-of-manner at intersections.

3.

Reduces motor vehicle accidents at intersections.

Generally speaking, there are 2 chief types of automatic traffic signals:

one.

Traffic lights of three colors, sometimes with an arrow for easy turning.

2.

Visual and audio warning signals commonly seen at railway crossings.

Automated traffic signals ordinarily provide acceptable intersectional control. All the same, there are numerous situations that must be directed by a "point control" officer, to clinch safe and efficient vehicular and pedestrian movements. Structure sites, accidents, rush 60 minutes periods, special events, or any other status that causes congestion of traffic must receive immediate attention.

Traffic duty consists of directing and supervising traffic at gates and intersections and patrolling parking areas. These duties are performed in lodge to keep traffic moving with a minimum of delay and maximum of prophylactic.

Since traffic command duty may require an officer to remain at his post for hours in all kinds of weather condition, protective clothing must exist readily available. Proper protection against the elements is an of import factor in maintaining efficient traffic control. It has been observed that a wet or cold officer presents a hazard to himself as well equally to motorists.

Proper clothing should also include high-visibility material to increase the safety value during dark assignments, whether the intersection is well lit or not.

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Neurology and Neurosurgery

James C. Johnston 1000.D., J.D., F.C.L.M., F.A.C.L.Thou. , in The Medical Malpractice Survival Handbook, 2007

Driving

Every state restricts issuance of a driver's license to individuals who have suffered a loss of consciousness. The laws differ amongst the states, simply generally require that an individual be seizure-free for a period of fourth dimension before obtaining a driver'south license. The seizure-free interval is variable within individual country jurisdictions, ranging from no stock-still duration to ane twelvemonth. A physician'southward evaluation must be submitted to the land earlier a license will exist issued. Neurologists are rightfully concerned about their potential liability when certifying to the state that a patient with epilepsy is capable of driving. Some states grant immunity to the physician, although the level of amnesty varies among the jurisdictions, ranging from "good faith" amnesty to immunity from suit. In other states, physicians are not granted statutory immunity from liability for the information they provide to the state or for damages arising out of a seizure-related accident. In states without physician immunity laws, courts may still refuse to impose liability on the neurologist who exercised reasonable care in reporting to the country.

Six states—California, Delaware, Nevada, New Jersey, Oregon, and Pennsylvania—take express mandatory reporting statutes requiring physicians to study patients with epilepsy (or other disorders associated with a loss of consciousness or dumb ability to drive) to the state. All other states have voluntary reporting statutes. The neurologic standard of intendance for the epileptic patient varies according to the laws and regulations of each land. It is incumbent upon neurologists to know the relevant statutes of their jurisdiction, and have an understanding of the common constabulary trends for any cryptic problems. The neurologist has a duty to suggest patients of the legislation in their item state, and emphasize the importance of complying with the police. If the land has an explicit self-reporting requirement, patients should be brash in writing to comply, with a copy of the letter kept in the medical records. The word of driving restrictions besides as restriction on other activities, the effect of discontinuing or reducing dosage of a drug, and possible side effects of medications in relation to driving should exist clearly documented in the records. These issues should be reiterated and documented upon any change in medication, due to the increased risk of breakthrough seizures.

If an epileptic continues driving because the neurologist either failed to report where reporting is mandatory or failed to instruct the patient in a voluntary reporting land, and then a seizure-related accident may trigger a malpractice adjust by the patient or patient's estate. Therefore it is imperative that the neurologist conspicuously document patient instructions in the medical records, and keep a copy of whatsoever notification sent to the state. It is also advisable to record any factors that may mitigate liability for not filing a report. The patient who drives against medical advice is a special concern for every neurologist, especially in voluntary reporting states. In this situation the neurologist should inform the patient in writing about the potential consequences of driving, and consider filing a voluntary report with the advisable state agency. At that place may be statutory protection for a voluntary report that is made in good faith and consequent with the prevailing standard of care. Nevertheless, the level of protection varies among jurisdictions, and it is advisable to consult legal counsel.

Neurologists may exist liable to third parties for declining to report a patient or certifying a patient to drive. This is an emerging area of liability, and about decisions turn on whether the neurologist owes a duty to the third party. Courts have ruled in both directions and the result is far from settled. Neurologists should arrange practice patterns to comport with the relevant legal trends in their jurisdiction, but fifty-fifty third-party liability is minimized by effective patient discussions, proper reporting, and thorough documentation as outlined above.

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Population Loss: The Role of Transportation and Other Issues

K. Bruce Newbold , ... Allison Williams , in Advances in Transport Policy and Planning, 2018

4 Results

Table 1 records the presence of a valid commuter's license past age cohort. Across historic period groups, the majority of participants report having a valid driver's license. As expected, the proportion of older adults holding a valid driver's license decreases with increasing age, dropping from 87% amidst 65–69 yr olds to merely 25.4% in the oldest cohort (xc  +). Males are typically more than likely to hold a valid driver's license as compared to females, likely reflecting historically lower levels of licensure amid women in older cohorts (Fuels Institute, 2014), with the gap between males and females growing as age increases. Rural residents were likewise more likely to agree a valid driver's license as compared to urban residents, regardless of historic period group, potentially reflecting their greater reliance on the personal machine for transportation.

Table ane. Presence of a valid driver'due south license by accomplice, gender and location (%).

Age
65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85–89 90   +
Valid Driver's License (All) 87.0 81.6 76.three 61.7 45.8 25.4
Males 95.1 92.4 90.0 82.4 73.i 46.1
Females 80.three 72.five 65.5 46.7 30.6 16.1
Urban resident 85.1 79.6 75.4 58.2 41.viii 23.ix
Rural resident 92.vi 88.0 77.9 72.4 57.1 30.seven

Tabular array two reports the main form of transportation by age, gender and urban/rural setting. In this case, age accomplice was aggregated to ten year age cohorts, (65–74, 75–84, and an open up-ended 85   + cohort) to avoid small-scale sample numbers and disclosure bug. In addition, public transit, active transit and other transit were aggregated into one category for rural residents. Three broad observations can be drawn from the table. First, driving represented the majority of out-of-abode trips across all age groups and locations. Even so, increasing age is associated with a failing proportion of both males and females that drive, while the proportion participating in trips as a rider increases. For instance, 85.7% of males aged 65–74 and living in a rural expanse drove, while approximately seventy% of those aged 85 and over drove. Concurrently, those participating in trips as passengers grew from xi.iv% to 24.3%. 2nd, females living in urban areas were somewhat more likely to report using public transit as compared to their male person urban counterparts. While the proportion of trips by public transit increased with increasing age, public transit trips still represented a comparatively small proportion of all trips made by the old. Third, given that public transit was non an selection for residents in rural areas, the proportion of trips where the individual reported driving was higher for residents of rural areas. For case, 69.7% of males aged 85   + in rural areas reported driving compared to 50.8% of urban males. Likewise, simply 21.1% of females lagged 85   + and living in urban areas reported driving, while 55.1% of females anile 85   + living in rural areas did so. In addition, older rural adults (especially those aged 85   +) were likewise more likely to report beingness a passenger relative to residents of urban areas, with results pointing to the reliance on the personal auto for residents in rural areas. Unfortunately, the data do non provide insight into whether switching to other modes of transportation, and particularly machine as rider, provided a sufficient substitute for driving. However, it is reasonable to presume that trip needs are not met amidst those without a driver's license given their reliance on other drivers and limited alternatives.

Tabular array 2. Master form of transportation (%) by age, sex, and geographic setting.

Driving Passenger Public transit Other
Male Urban 65–74 77.5 11.0 5.8 5.seven
75–84 seventy.four 13.3 ix.7 half dozen.6
85   + 50.8 31.ix ix.1 viii.ii
Male person Rural 65–74 85.vii xi.4 — 2.3
75–84 85.ix thirteen.viii — —
85   + 69.7 24.iii — 5.6
Female Urban 65–74 52.8 xxx.i 9.nine 7.3
75–84 twoscore.three 35.6 12.three 11.9
85   + 21.1 43.iii 14.7 20.9
Female Rural 65–74 57.0 twoscore.viii — i.ix
75–84 57.5 37.6 — 4.3
85   + 55.1 36.6 — 6.9

Note: — indicates cell frequency too small for release.

Table 3 reports the frequency of driving (machine as driver) for those with a valid driver's license, with the tabular array again distinguishing between urban and rural residents and by wide age accomplice. Among individuals who reported having a license, most used their vehicle 6–7 times per week, although women reported a lower frequency of driving than men. Echoing results from Table 2, males were broadly more than likely to drive than their female counterparts, with the frequency of trips tending to reject with increasing age and observed in well-nigh all instances. For instance, males were likely to drive on a daily (6–7   days per week) footing as compared to females, although females were somewhat more probable than males to drive less oft. Increasing age was also associated with fewer trips per week. Indeed, while nearly daily trips (6–7 trips per week) tended to decline with increasing age, less frequent trips per week (i.e., 4–5 trips per calendar week, 1–3 trips per calendar week) tended to increase with age. Amongst those with a valid license, there was a small percentage of individuals who indicated not driving at all in the calendar month preceding the interview, with the proportion increasing with age.

Tabular array three. Frequency (%) of driving in the past 12 months by age, gender, and geographic setting.

6–vii days/week 4–5 days/calendar week 1–3 days/week 1–3 days/month Non in the past month
Male Urban 65–74 74.5 eleven.eight nine.3 2.four 1.9
75–84 63.8 15.6 fifteen.8 2.0 two.7
85   + 46.7 14.1 thirty.0 ii.6 6.7
Male person Rural 65–74 71.i 14.3 12.3 1.6 0.7
75–84 67.ix 19.three nine.4 iii.4 —
85   + 45.7 29.v fifteen.1 ix.7 —
Female Urban 65–74 49.five eighteen.7 17.8 five.9 8.0
75–84 34.iv 23.0 26.0 vii.0 9.7
85   + 27.iii 23.0 31.3 half dozen.3 12.i
Female Rural 65–74 34.8 22.two 30.6 11.0 1.5
75–84 34.two twenty.9 36.iii 6.ix 1.7
85   + xiii.6 eleven.4 62.0 10.3 2.6

Note: — indicates cell frequency too small for release.

Table 4 reports the prevalence of specific health conditions across cohorts with and without a valid driver's license. Not surprisingly, arthritis, heart illness, high blood pressure (HBP), and the employ of high blood pressure medication increases with age. On boilerplate, nonetheless, the proportion of respondents reporting the presence of a chronic condition was nearly identical for those with and without a valid driver'due south license. Notwithstanding, turning to self-rated health, individuals with a valid license tended to be somewhat more likely to study splendid, very good or skilful general wellness as compared to those without a valid license, with the exception of those in the oldest historic period groups. In other words, people who report improve health are more probable to take their commuter's license. While not-driver'southward tended to exist somewhat more likely to study specific weather such as diabetes, centre affliction, and high blood pressure level that could reduce their ability to drive relative to those with a valid driver's license, differences were not large, echoing results by Siren et al. (2004).

Table 4. Health outcomes (%) past age cohort with a valid driver's license.

Age
65–69 lxx–74 75–79 fourscore–84 85–89 90   +
With valid driver's license
Chronic condition 86.iii xc.vii xc.v 90.iii 91.8 91.three
Splendid/Very good/good health 84.five 80.3 78.9 76.7 76.two 69.0
Asthma 7.five 6.7 6.9 10.viii half-dozen.9 3.4
Arthritis 35.6 42.1 44.8 48.3 47.9 50.1
Back problems 26.3 29.6 28.2 26.four 31.2 26.vii
Diabetes xv.0 17.9 17.viii 15.0 10.4 12.2
Middle affliction xv.ii 20.3 24.3 31.2 31.two xl.0
High blood pressure level 43.4 47.five 54.5 52.0 fifty.1 49.vii
HBP medication 43.three 48.2 56.0 55.9 54.eight 51.9
Without valid driver'due south license
Chronic condition 88.4 90.two 95.iii 91.5 91.vii 91.3
Excellent/Very good/skillful health 71.7 64.7 64.two 61.two 59.9 68.ix
Asthma 13.2 11.0 9.v 10.1 8.1 6.6
Arthritis 41.8 46.viii 48.5 51.9 53.one 50.6
Dorsum problems 26.7 33.2 31.3 31.3 27.2 32.4
Diabetes 24.3 26.v 22.0 eighteen.7 17.1 11.0
Heart illness thirteen.0 22.0 26.1 31.9 32.9 32.7
High blood pressure 55.6 52.8 61.iii 56.5 57.one 48.9
HBP medication 54.seven 54.ii 63.ane 59.3 57.8 l.7

Finally, we plow to logistic analysis of the factors associated with having a valid driver's license (Table 5). Two models are presented, with the showtime model incorporating sociodemographic and socioeconomic furnishings, and the 2d model introducing a set of specific health measures including whether or not the respondent reported diabetes, osteoporosis, loftier blood pressure, or heart disease. Overall, results are comparable betwixt both models. Of item interest is where individuals reside, with the results indicating that residents of urban areas were less likely to take a valid driver'south license as compared to their rural counterparts, reinforcing earlier descriptive results and likely reflecting alternate transportation choices beyond their personal automobile.

Table 5. Logistic analysis of the factors associated with having a valid driver's license.

Variable Model 1 Model 2
Estimate Pr (>|t) Guess Pr (>|t)
Intercept 1.629 a 0.000 1.705 a 0.000
Age (Ref  =   65–69)
  seventy–74 −   0.231 0.082 −   0.233 0.079
  75–79 −   0.489 a 0.000 −   0.490 a 0.000
  fourscore–84 −   1.404 a 0.000 −   1.393 a 0.000
  85–89 −   2.087 a 0.000 −   two.091 a 0.000
  90   + −   ii.771 a 0.000 −   ii.774 a 0.000
Gender (Ref  =   female)
  Male 1.509 a 0.000 one.515 a 0.000
Marital condition (Ref  =   not married)
  Married 0.240 b 0.014 0.243 b 0.013
Geography (Ref  =   rural)
  Urban −   0.814 a 0.000 −   0.804 a 0.000
Income (Ref  =   <$50   k)
  >$50   K 0.736 a 0.000 0.720 a 0.000
Education (Ref  =   trades certificate or less)
  College and University 0.277 c 0.009 0.284 c 0.007
  Bachelor'southward or college 0.131 0.278 0.117 0.331
Self-perceived wellness (Ref  =   fair or less)
  Fantabulous/very good/good 0.574 a 0.000 0.535 a 0.000
Vision (Ref  =   unable to see without spectacles/contacts)
  Tin see with glasses/contacts 0.253 b 0.019 0.265 b 0.014
Health issues (Ref  =   does not report)
  Osteoporosis −   0.139 0.209
  Dorsum problems 0.180 0.087
  High blood force per unit area 0.006 0.948
  Diabetes −   0.318 b 0.012
  Heart illness −   0.123 0.266
Pseudo R-squared 0.421 0.424
Likelihood ratio 10.nine 11.4
a
P  <   0.one%.
b
P  <   v%.
c
P  <   1%.

Turning to other sociodemographic and socioeconomic effects, increasing age is not surprisingly associated with a greater likelihood of not having a driver's license. Furthermore, the likelihood of not having a license increased at an increasing rate with age. Individuals with incomes greater than $50,000 and those who are married (or mutual-law) were more than likely to report having a valid driver'southward license. Educational level was non statistically significant, although individuals who reported improve self-assessed wellness (excellent, very good or good) and amend vision (i.e., able to meet with glasses or contacts) were more likely to have a valid commuter's license.

With respect to specific measures of wellness (Model 2), merely individuals reporting osteoporosis were less likely to concord a valid commuter's license (at P  <   0.1%). Other specific indicators, including back problems, loftier claret force per unit area, diabetes and heart affliction did not have a significant impact at the P  <   5% level.

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The challenges

David W. Eby , ... Renée Chiliad. St. Louis , in Perspectives and Strategies for Promoting Safe Transportation amongst Older Adults, 2019

Older driver licensing

Non only is the world's population aging merely people are as well retaining their driver licenses well into older machismo, and over the past few decades until recently, this trend accelerated. One written report compared the percentage of people within age groups across the lifespan that were licensed for 15 countries (Sivak & Schoettle, 2012). These information were considered at two points in time which varied past the availability of data for each country just spanned 1983–2007 for the starting point and 2005–10 for the ending signal. The results showed that for each state, there were big increases in the percentages of older adults who held driver licenses. In some countries, the percentages increased by more than double. For example, in Switzerland, about 36% of adults historic period 65–69 held commuter licenses in 1984, while in 2005, this percentage increased to about 80%.

It is not known if this trend of increasing proportions of older people having driver licenses has continued past 2010, simply evidence from the United states suggests that things may be changing. Fig. 1.7 shows the percentages of people in 5 older adult historic period groups who were licensed in the US in 2000, 2005, 2010, and 2015 (Federal Highway Administration, FHWA, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015), with men and women shown separately. These information bear witness several interesting trends. First, in all older historic period groups, a greater proportion of men hold commuter licenses than women, with a large divergence for the oldest age grouping. Second, for both men and women, the proportion of licensed drivers decreases with increasing age group and decreases significantly in the 85+ group, peculiarly for women. Third, an exam of each grouping of the four bars in this graph show that in nearly all historic period groups, the per centum of people holding licenses increased betwixt the years 2000 and 2010. Still, for both sexes in all age groups, the percentages of people holding licenses decreased between 2010 and 2015. It is unknown why this trend reversed over the by several years, but there are some possible explanations. These include older adults are starting to meet their mobility needs in means other than driving, such as using ride-sharing services, community mobility options, and/or Internet connectivity with shopping, entertainment, and/or family unit/friends; the economical recession that occurred during his fourth dimension period prompted more older drivers to opt out of renewing licenses to avoid vehicle buying and license costs; public perceptions are irresolute near the stigma of losing one'south license and more older adults are giving upwards their license; or interventions designed to keep merely those older adults who are fit to bulldoze on the road are starting to become more widespread and are influencing older adults to surrender licenses. Whatever the reason, more research and more than years of data are needed to understand this trend and to confirm that the trend is real and standing.

Effigy 1.7. Percentage of age group with a driver license by twelvemonth for males and females.

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The Impact of Potable Driving Laws

Barry C. Watson , ... David West. Soole , in Interventions for Habit, 2013

License Actions

License deportment include a range of restrictions that deprive offenders from the utilise of their driver's license. In many countries, the main license deportment are suspension and disqualification (or revocation). Although these terms tend to exist used interchangeably, break generally refers to situations where licenses are reinstated automatically after the period of intermission, while disqualification refers to situations where a driver must reapply at the end of the period to have it reinstated. License actions vary in the degree to which they restrict driving. While license suspension or disqualification typically prohibits offenders from using their license under all circumstances, restricted licenses tin also exist applied, which permit driving for specific purposes, such as for employment or treatment.

Some other major departure relates to whether license deportment are administered judicially or administratively. Traditionally, license suspension has been applied through judicial processes in most countries, with interruption contingent upon conviction and subject to criminal standards of proof and plea bargaining. Over the terminal iii decades, however, there has been a substantial growth in the use of administrative license suspension, particularly in Due north America. This process requires less stringent standards of proof, often involves mandatory license disqualification periods, and operates from the fourth dimension a drink driver is arrested, thus increasing the swiftness and certainty of the sanction. Every bit this process tends to be less costly, authoritative suspension appears to improve the overall toll-effectiveness of license loss. In addition, immediate license suspension is increasingly being utilized as a sanction for high-range offenders; however, some have raised concerns nigh the loss of deterrence associated with not-attendance at court.

For some time, the evidence has indicated that license suspension is a very constructive countermeasure, com-pared with other sanctions commonly applied to drink drivers. In North America, the most compelling prove has emerged from the apply of administrative license interruption laws. Evaluations have suggested that these laws can deed every bit a general deterrent by contributing to a reduction in the level of booze-related crashes in the customs. This is illustrated by the fact that license actions reduce non-alcohol-related offenses and crashes among offenders, also as alcohol-specific incidents. In other words, license actions are constructive exposure-control measures that produce road safe benefits well beyond their impact on drinkable driving. Although the bear witness suggests that these effects can persist well later the terminate of the pause menstruation, this may, in part, be due to offenders choosing not to get relicensed.

Australian feel indicates that court imposed license disqualification tin can also be an effective sanction for drink driving offenders. Inquiry conducted in the 1990s examined the records of over 25 000 butterfingers beverage drivers and found that crash and offense rates during the disqualification period were near one tertiary of the rates incurred during legal driving. More contempo research has suggested that offenses during periods of disqualification are suppressed by upwardly to 15% of the level incurred during periods of legal driving among the aforementioned offenders. However, evidence relating to the optimum length of license disqualification is inconclusive suggesting that farther research is required to identify the most efficacious approach.

In terms of the retributive effect of license deportment, at that place are concerns regarding the affect on an offender's capacity to earn a living. A British study establish that while most butterfingers drivers considered the sanction justified, some reported that they had lost their task as a direct event of the disqualification. Notwithstanding, research in the United States suggests that just a modest minority of suspended drivers experience employment or income losses. Some researchers take compared the impact of administrative license suspension on the employment levels of drink driving offenders with the impact of booze-related crashes on the employment of "innocent" people involved in these crashes. They found that while in that location was no pronounced bear upon on the jobs or incomes of offenders, a substantial effect was experienced by the seriously injured victims. They argued that this justified the continued employ of administrative license loss.

The assistants of restricted licenses to offenders who tin can demonstrate that they and/or their family would experience significant hardship associated with the loss of their license is a common approach adopted in some jurisdictions to overcome such problems. However, such practices take been criticized, such that providing restricted licenses for employment purposes only is argued to be discriminatory and fails to acknowledge the importance of educational and domestic functions. In addition, information technology has been argued that the widespread use of restricted licenses may undermine both specific deterrence (by failing to break an offender's reliance on driving) and general deterrence (by reducing the perceived certainty of license loss).

Interestingly, an Australian study reported no statistical differences betwixt the recidivism rates of drink driving offenders granted restricted licenses with those receiving full license disqualifications, at least during the term of the sanction. However, it was noted that magistrates are typically selective about granting restricted licenses, tending to favor older drivers with meliorate driving records. Therefore, the results exercise non necessarily countenance the wider employ of restricted licenses, since they may non be every bit constructive with more recalcitrant offenders. Moreover, the authors noted that further enquiry was required to decide whether restricted licenses undermine the general deterrent effect of license loss for drink driving.

From some other perspective, the effectiveness of license loss may be undermined if offenders keep to drive during the break/disqualification period. In event, these offenders are not experiencing the total affect of their punishment. In this regard, the level of illegal driving past suspended/disqualified drivers has been reported to be relatively high in nearly jurisdictions. Surveys in the United Kingdom, United States, and Australia have found self-reported levels of butterfingers/suspended driving ranging from 25% to well-nigh lxx%, and the self-report nature of these studies suggests that these findings may correspond underestimates of the extent of the problem. In addition, there is evidence that disqualified drivers who go on to drive accept upwardly to three to four times the crash chance of licensed drivers, confirming that they are a high-risk group.

It is likely that many offenders who choose not to re-obtain a license after the expiry of their disqualification/revocation period continue to drive unlicensed. This practice further undermines the integrity of the licensing arrangement past reducing the impact of other sanctions, which manages the driver's behavior, such every bit demerit points. Therefore, in terms of incapacitation, while license loss is an constructive measure it is far from perfect. Indeed, from a compliance standpoint, license disqualification/suspension is a relatively inefficient measure out. The likely issue of this low compliance is that the full impact of the intermission is compromised and the long-term effectiveness of the system potentially eroded.

In add-on to targeting offenders, license actions are as well intended to perform a full general deterrent function. A number of North American studies have suggested that license pause can act as a general deterrent by reducing the overall rate of crashes likely to involve booze. However, some qualifications demand to exist placed on these studies. Firstly, they most exclusively relate to the apply of authoritative license suspension, and it has been suggested that the success of administrative suspension is linked to the greater certainty and swiftness delivered by this process, compared with judicially imposed license intermission. Secondly, in many cases the studies evaluated the impact of a package of drink driving countermeasures, often featuring a range of sanctions implemented in conjunction with administrative license suspension, creating difficulties in quantifying the specific effect of license deportment. Nonetheless, it is worth noting that community surveys in the United States generally indicate that license suspension is the most well-understood and feared drink driving sanction.

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Highway Statistics

Alan Eastward. Pisarski , in Encyclopedia of Social Measurement, 2005

Vehicles

A key measure of the relationship between vehicles, highways, and society is the number of vehicles/household or vehicles/one thousand population. In 1910, at the commencement of the auto age, there were 200 people/vehicle in the U.s.a.; 5 years later, this was already down to 40 people/vehicle. By the 1930s, the entire population could be seated in the front and back seats of all of the existing vehicles, and past the 1950s, the entire population could exist accommodated in the front end seats lone. In 2001, the total motor vehicle armada exceeded 230 1000000 vehicles; with a population on the order of 285 1000000, this was a comfortable 1.24 people/vehicle. The vehicle fleet now not just exceeds the number of drivers in the population, information technology exceeds the number of the total adult population. In many of the recent past decades, vehicle production exceeded population increment.

Other measures of the vehicle/population relationship include the percentage of persons over 16 years of historic period with drivers licenses, the average number of vehicles per household, the distribution of households past vehicles owned or available for employ, and the number of households with no vehicles. Amidst adults, the United states of america is nearly saturation regarding licenses; the same can be said for households, for full number of vehicles. However, these levels are significantly lower among minority groups, which will exist a significant source of hereafter growth in vehicle acquisition and travel miles. A key statistical measure of mobility is the number and percent of households without vehicles in a society highly oriented to mobility. Surprisingly, the number of households without a vehicle has remained at about x million for forty years, and the number of households with one vehicle has remained at virtually thirty million, merely, of course, both are a significantly declining percentage of all households. All growth has occurred in the two- and three-vehicle households. Figure 3 depicts this tendency over the past xl years.

Effigy three. Number of households by number of vehicles owned. ⧫ , No vehicles; ■, i vehicle; ▴, two vehicles;   x, 3 or more vehicles. Data from the decennial censuses of the U.S. Agency of the Census.

Number of households (   103) for year

Number of vehicles 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
0 xi,400 11,110 x,400 10,600   10,861
1 thirty,190 thirty,300 28,600 31,000   36,124
two x,100 18,600 27,400 34,400   forty,462
iii+ 1300 3500 14,100 xvi,000   xviii,033
Total 52,999 63,500 80,500 92,000 105,480

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Barriers to Shared Use of Vehicles

Bern Grush , John Niles , in The Stop of Driving, 2018

9.2 Environmental vs Personal Option

Are affordability and instant arrival or robotaxis even the prime number determinants for abandoning buying? According to a 2017 survey of 2320 holders of driver licenses from 15 countries, "the majority of those who bulldoze … cull their auto because information technology'due south the near comfortable selection." In the same survey, the importance of speed was clear: "70% … say they'd exist more probable to employ public transport if they had a faster journey fourth dimension" (Averkamp et al., 2017).

The ideal time to come rider armada according to the ecology and livability perspective comprises vehicles that are automatic, connected, electric, and shared—ACES. The platonic fleet from the common traveler'due south perspective would take vehicles that are comfortable, affordable, fast, and instantly available—CAFI. Sharing of cars or rides would only be adequate to CAFI thinking—if e'er—when it makes access to rides more affordable, fast and comfortable, and does not slow down ride kickoff with long wait times. Reducing parking hassles would exist a natural bonus. The ACES-CAFI departure is the dissever between what planners wish and consumers will buy. This gap is now very broad. It must be narrowed, and so airtight, to achieve the Holy Grail of having most people rely entirely on automated vehicle services rather than owning their own vehicle.

Shared CAFI robotaxis sound more desirable than ACES taxis equally an enticement to abandon buying. Alas, automatic CAFI is much farther off than ACES—likely more than a decade merely for innovation and yet more for integration with existing systems. Fifty-fifty if CAFI vehicles were to become pervasive, agreed definitions for "comfortable," "affordable," and "instant" would exist elusive. Surely, any city will have travelers willing to use robo-ride services, and it would be reasonable to expect a slowly growing segment of the population to end owning vehicles, just projections of 25% of passenger kilometers traveled (PKT) by 2030 or eighty% past 2040 in on-need robotaxis are wishful thinking unless there is a dramatic social, regulatory, and technological shift. Vehicle automation by itself will non be enough. Rather, as discussed beneath, nosotros demand to recall about robotic taxi or shuttle systems that will entreatment to passengers with a wide multifariousness of needs and preferences.

ACES and CAFI are not necessarily contradictory, but they are independent of each other. If nosotros focus on deploying ACES fleets while ignoring CAFI, we will take an ideal ecology solution with modest user acceptance. If nosotros focus on CAFI at the expense of ACES, we will have college user credence of a less than ideal solution that is perhaps harmful. If, however, we design and manage CAFI fleets that are constrained by ACES engineering, we can accost both ecology goals and traveler satisfaction. In that location is hope, but the need and deployment challenges are college.

If we have learned anything since the rise in pop sensation of global warming, it is that nearly humans consume what they desire first and then perchance call back, oft in minor, ineffective ways, about possible environmental impacts later. We can deploy whatever robotaxi fleets we want, but only CAFI fleets will succeed to the extent needed to become pervasive and able to draw a majority of users abroad from personal vehicle ownership.

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A commonage household model of driving cessation of older adults

Noriko Fukui , ... Akimasa Fujiwara , in Mapping the Travel Behavior Genome, 2020

1 Introduction

As car accidents caused by elderly people increase, the Japanese government recently promoted a driving cessation policy, recommending that elderly drivers voluntarily return their driver'due south licenses. Specifically, the Japanese authorities has established a police force which requires elderly drivers over 75 years old to pass a strict examination of their driving skill and dementia when committing a traffic violation. Unfortunately, driving cessation may lead to a loss of independence, identity, and self-esteem for elderly drivers. Marottoli et al. (1997, 2000) indicate that driving cessation is associated with an increase in depressive symptoms and a decrease in out-of-home activities, whereas these effects could be alleviated if appropriate alternative transport modes are available (Kim, 2011; Chikaraishi, 2016).

The decision on whether to cease driving is fabricated not but by the elderly drivers themselves but as well in conjunction with their household members. This is because driving cessation would lead not only to a decrease in the mobility of the older commuter, but also to an increase in household members' burdens such every bit picking up and dropping off the elderly. Hence, household discussions on driving abeyance between elderly drivers and their household members are usually quite sensitive and the terminal decision is oftentimes postponed until an accident occurs. In addition, close family members may play a key part in identifying whether the elderly tin drive safely or not, and in persuading him/her to end driving. Given this situation, some manuals accept been written to help household members communicate effectively with older adults virtually stopping driving (e.g., NHTSA and ASA, 2007); nevertheless constructive advice on driving risks (and available alternative travel modes) has non withal been well explored in the literature.

Equally mentioned above, the decision of whether or non to end driving is made based on interactions among older adults and their household members. Therefore, this study develops a collective household controlling model for the driving cessation of older adults, which explicitly takes into account (one) multiple household members' preferences, collectively forming a household preference, and (2) the furnishings of communication content on household preference. The developed model is empirically estimated based on the data collected through a structured in-depth interview survey of elderly drivers or their household members who had/have been considering the driving cessation of older adults. We also deport a simulation analysis to identify the effects of advice on their decisions to stop driving.

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The Convergence of Electronic and Concrete Security Risk

Carl S. Immature , in The Science and Technology of Counterterrorism, 2015

9.4.3.2 Lobby/Reception Expanse Security Controls

1.

Visitor management protocols to include:

a.

Hallmark of identity of all visitors via a authorities-issued or official photo ID (e.g., drivers license or passport).

b.

Electronic and/or written record of visitor access history.

c.

Admission control listing with quarterly updates past all tenants for confirmation of authorized entry to the facility.

d.

Escorts within internal areas for individuals without tenant-approved visiting privileges and nonbackground-investigated vendors (i.e., those not on the access control list (ACL)).

due east.

Issuance and same-day collection of visitor ID badges.

2.

CCTV system coverage of entrance- and exit-identification-level system resolution.

three.

Concrete admission command system—unmarried-factor authentication "in" and "out" via bill of fare readers linked to a magnetic lock.

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https://world wide web.sciencedirect.com/science/commodity/pii/B9780124200562000099

Facing Diversity When Designing and Evaluating Driver Back up Systems

Laura K. Thompson , Marcus Tönnis , in Meeting Diversity in Ergonomics, 2007

Method

Participants

Twelve drivers (half-dozen males, half-dozen females) participated in the report. They were between nineteen and 53 years quondam (m = 37, sd = 14). All held a valid commuter'southward license and were primarily staff or students at the Technische Universität München, Federal republic of germany. Two drivers had participated in experiments in the driving simulator and in road trials and one other driver had participated in road trials. The volunteers were paid 30 Euros for the 2 hr experiment.

Apparatus

The experiment was run in a stock-still-base driving simulator with a 40° field of view. Subjects collection a modified BMW convertible with automatic transmission and fake motor sounds. The course was a two-lane rural route with long curves interspersed by some villages. The driving scene was projected at a resolution of 1024 × 768 pixels and 24-bit colour onto one screen located 3.five m from the commuter.

A driving simulator seemed to be suitable for this kind of experiment [nineteen], because the roadway scenario and driving environment were advisable to the situation where ACC is commonly used. The road grade enabled various opportunities to encounter different traffic scenarios, every bit suggested by Didier and Landau [16]. The varying speed limits in the road course would crave the commuter to modify the ACC speed settings.

2 interchangeable, wireless steering wheel inlays were developed to business firm the steering wheel controls. In addition, the speed control for the divided concept was mounted permanently in the dashboard. For the head-up display, DWARF 5 [28] was used every bit a component-oriented toolkit to hands implement and test prototypes of the driver-vehicle interfaces. Finally, the Dikablis [22, 29] helmet-mounted eye-tracking system was used to generate center glance videos of the driver's right eye superimposed on the scene alee.

Since this experiment was office of an exploratory study of future driver support systems, we chose to employ mid-fidelity prototypes and simulations. This allowed u.s. the flexibility to investigate driver-vehicle interactions, while maintaining full functionality of the ACC organisation but non endangering the drivers. The driver controls were concrete prototypes congenital into the cockpit of an actual vehicle. However, the head-up brandish and driving scene were simulated.

Process

Upon arriving at the driving simulator, participants completed a demographic questionnaire and read a description of the driver controls for the ACC arrangement. One time finished, they entered the vehicle, adjusted the seat and the eye-tracking system was calibrated. The drivers later on drove one exercise circular with eye-tracking (12 min). The ACC system was turned off and just the current speed was shown in the HUD.

For each concept, drivers were first trained and then completed the experimental tasks. The first role of the training focused solely on chore completion while parked. Drivers were given exact instructions from the experimenter to alter the ACC settings. Practice tasks were repeated until the tasks could be completed without errors. In the second part of the training, drivers repeated exercise tasks while driving. Training continued until they could accommodate both ACC controls while driving at least 80 km/h without any lane departures and they felt confident to keep. Therefore, in some cases, the training lasted up to fifteen min.

For the experimental tasks, the participants drove the aforementioned rural road course as in the practice trial, but were given 18 verbal instructions from the experimenter to alter the ACC settings. The location and guild of the tasks were identical for both concepts. Afterwards completing the experimental tasks with both concepts, the drivers were interviewed about their subjective opinions of the ACC controls.

Experimental design

A within-subject area design was used, with all drivers using both ACC concepts. The order was counter-balanced based on age and gender. In lodge to examine just the task of changing the ACC settings and not the chore of driving with ACC, the ACC functionality was disabled. Therefore, the drivers had to maintain proper speed (based on the traffic signs), headway and lane position.

The contained factors were concept (divided or integrated), task type (accommodate desired speed, headway or both) and task length (small-scale or big adjustments). See Table 1 for descriptions.

Tabular array 1. Description of the independent factors.

Factor Level Description
ACC concept Divided The desired speed is set on the dashboard and the headway is fix on the steering wheel
Integrated Both the desired speed and headway are set on the steering wheel
Job type Speed Conform the desired speed
Headway Adjust the desired headway
Both Adjust both the desired speed and headway
Chore length Small A small adjustment to the command (e.thousand., five km/h faster or 0.ane s closer)
Large A big adjustment to the control (e.1000., xl km/h faster or 0.5 s closer)

The dependent variables included task operation, driving operation, glance behaviour and subjective measures [23, xxx]. The job functioning mensurate was the elapsed time to complete the various tasks. The measurement of the task time started directly after the verbal instructions were given and ended when the correct value was shown in the HUD and the commuter's left hand returned to the starting position.

The driving performance measures were an indication of how well the driver could maintain the right speed (speed difference and average speed compared to the posted speed) and lane position (lane divergence, lane divergence time, steering angle variation and large steering corrections). Other than the mensurate of large steering corrections [31], these measures were divers in the HASTE Projection [32]. For this experiment, big steering corrections were defined as sudden steering cycle movements greater than 3.7°.

The measures of glance behaviour were an indication of driver distraction and workload. For the analysis, the driver controls and displays were classified as 'off-road'. The total glance time 'off-road', the maximum glance duration 'off-road' and number of glances 'off-route' were calculated based on a manual offline assay of the eye glance videos according to ISO 15007-1 [33]. Therefore, the glance time included the dwell time (fixations and saccades on an object) and the transition time to that object.

The subjective measures served to complement the objective data. The driver's stance of their task performance (i.e., the usability of the controls) and their preference of ACC control and control location were asked in a semi-structured interview. The questions were of diverse formats, including ranking, scoring, short reply and long answer.

An initial analysis of the data indicated that all dependent measures were non normally distributed (p< 0.05 according to the Kolmogorov–Smirnov Z-exam). In addition, some of the measures were categorical (east.thou., usability scores). Therefore, non-parametric tests were used to find significance, in particular the Mann–Whitney U-exam (the U values were converted to Z values) for testing the difference betwixt ii groups and the Kruskal–Wallis H-test (χtwo values) for three or more groups.

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